Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Zapatista

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Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Zapatista (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) adalah kelompok revolusioner bersenjata yang bermarkas di Chiapas, salah satu provinsi termiskin di Meksiko. Basis anggota mereka sebagian besar adalah masyarakat adat, tapi mereka juga mempunyai pendukung dari wilayah perkotaan seperti halnya dukungan jaringan internasional. Juru bicara mereka, tapi secara teknis bukanlah pemimpin mereka yang menyebut dirinya dengan sub-comandante, adalah Subcomandante Marcos. Seluruh comandante berasal dari suku Mayan, Indian Amerika.

Banyak kalangan menganggap bahwa gerakan Zapatista merupakan revolusi pasca-modern pertama: sebuah kelompok revolusioner bersenjata yang antikekerasan yang menggunakan teknologi modern telepon satelit dan internet sebagai suatu cara untuk menggalang dukungan domestik dan luar negeri. Mereka menganggap dirinya sebagai bagian dari gerakan antiglobalisasi yang lebih luas.

Zapatista menuai perhatian dunia karena daya inspirasinya yang mereka sebar sejak awal. Zapatista mengangkat senjata bukan untuk merebut kekuasaan, tapi untuk menciptakan sebuah ruang demokratis dimana pertentangan antar pandangan politik yang berbeda-beda bisa dibicarakan. Mereka ingin menunjukan kepada dunia bahwa cara lain untuk berpolitik itu sungguh ada, yang salah satunya bisa dilihat dari praktek kehidupan swadaya masyarakat adat.

Nama Zapatista diambil dari Emiliano Zapata, seorang tokoh revolusi Meksiko.

Daftar isi 1 Sejarah singkat 2 Sejarah Lengkap 3 Controversies 4 Political initiatives 5 Communications 6 Ideology 7 Peristiwa yang baru dan sedang berlangsung 8 Referensi 9 Buku 10 Pranala luar

[sunting] Sejarah singkat

Zapatista muncul publik pada 1 Januari 1994, hari ketika NAFTA diberlakukan, dengan ditandai keberhasilan awal menaklukan pemerintahan Meksiko di kota-kota besar di Chiapas. Konflik bersenjata singkat di Chiapas berakhir 2 minggu setelah pemberontakan dan tanpa menimbulkan konfrontasi yang meluas. Pemerintah Meksiko menggantikan kebijakan perang dengan mengerahkan kelompok-kelompok milisi dalam usaha mengendalikan pemberontakan, secara bersamaan Zapatista membangun suatu media kampanye melalui berbagai koran komunike dan secara berkala mengeluarkan enam "Deklarasi Rimba Raya Lacandon", tanpa tindakan militer atau teroris lebih lanjut pada sisi mereka. Kehadiran internet yang kuat secara internasional telah dengan cepat membangun kesetiaan bagi banyak gerakan kelompok sayap kiri internasional.

Pembicaraan pemerintah dan EZLN berpuncak pada Dialog San Andres (1996) yang mengabulkan otonomi dan hak-hak khusus bagi penduduk masyarakat adat. Akan tetapi Presiden Ernesto Zedillo mengabaikan perjanjian dan malah meningkatkan kehadiran jumlah militer di Chiapas. Dengan pemerintahan baru Vicente Fox, Zapatista melakukan pawai pada 2000 menuju Mexico City untuk menemui Kongres Meksiko. Perjanjian yang telah diperlunak kemudian ditolak oleh para pemberontak yang telah berhasil membangun 32 kotamadya di Chiapas, sehingga secara sepihak menerapkan perjanjian tanpa dukungan pemerintah tetapi dengan dukungan dana dari organisasi-organisasi internasional.

Pada Juli 2005, Zapatista mengeluarkan "Deklarasi Rimba Raya Lacandon" ke-enam. Dalam Deklarasi yang baru ini, EZLN menyerukan sebuah kampanye nasional alternatif sebagai oposisi terhadap kampanye presidensial yang sedang berlangsung. Dalam persiapan kampanye alternatif ini, Zapatista mengundang lebih dari 600 organisasi sayap kiri nasional untuk datang ke wilayah mereka, kelompok-kelompok masyarakat adat dan lembaga swadaya masyarakat mendengarkan pandangan mereka tentang hak asasi manusia dalam serial pertemuan dwi mingguan yang memuncak pada sidang paripurna tanggal 16 September, saat perayaan hari kemerdekaan Meksiko atas Spanyol. Dalam pertemuan ini Subcomandante Marcos secara resmi meminta kesetiaan organisasi-organisasi terhadap Deklarasi ke-enam, dan merinci rencana tur Zapatista selama 6 bulan melewati 32 provinsi yang mengambil waktu bersamaan dengan kampanye pemilu yang dimulai pada Januari 2006.

[sunting] Sejarah Lengkap

EZLN dibentuk pada 17 November 1983 oleh mantan anggota beberapa kelompok, baik yang berorientasi kekerasan maupun pasifis. Mereka mulai dikenal masyarakat nasional maupun internasional pada 11 Januari 1994, pada hari yang sama NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) antara Meksiko, Amerika Serikat dan Kanada mulai beroperasi sebagai cara untuk menyatakan kehadiran masyarakat adat di tengah dunia yang mulai mengglobalisasi.

Para pejuang masyarakat adat, di antaranta merakit senapan palsu yang terbuat dari kayu, menguasai lima munisipal di Chiapas, menyatakan secara resmi sebuah perang melawan Pemerintahan Meksiko, dan menyatakan rencana mereka untuk melakukan pawai menuju Mexico City, ibu kota Meksiko, baik untuk mengalahkan tentara Meksiko ataupun membiarkannya untuk menyerah dan memberlakukan pajak perang pada kota-kota yang mereka kuasai sepanjang perjalanan mereka.

Tidak biasanya ditemukan pada organisasi revolusioner, dalam dokumen yang diterbitkan EZLN ^[1] (dalam Bahasa Spanyol) sebelum pemberontakan menyatakan hak rakyat untuk menyerang balik setiap tindakan tidak adil yang dilakukan EZLN. Mereka juga menyatakan hak rakyat untuk:

"menuntut agar angkatan bersenjata revolusioner untuk tidak mencampuri urusan sipil atau disposisi ibu kota yang berhubungan dengan agrikultur, usaha, finansial, dan industri, sebagaimana hal tersebut merupakan ranah eksklusif otoritas sipil yang dipilih secara bebas dan demokratis." Dan mengatakan bahwa rakyat harus "mendapatkan dan memiliki senjata untuk melindungi diri sendiri, keluarga dan hak milik mereka menurut hukum disposisi ibu kota mengenai pertanian, usaha komersial, finansial, dan industri dari serangan bersenjata yang dilakukan oleh angkatan bersenjata revolusioner maupun oleh angkatan bersenjata pemerintah."

Setelah beberapa hari pertempuran lokal di hutan, Presiden Carlos Salinas de Gortari di tahun terakhirnya memegang pemerintahan kemudian menawarkan sebuah perjanjian gencatan senjata dan membuka dialog dengan para pemberontak dengan juru bicara resminya Subcomandante Marcos. Setelah dua belas hari, pertempuran berhenti.

Dialog antara Zapatista dan pemerintah diperpanjang lebih dari satu periode (tiga tahun) dan berakhir dengan San Andrés Accords, yang berisi perubahan konstitusi nasional yang bertujuan untuk memberikan hak istimewa, termasuk otonomi, kepada masyarakat adat. Sebuah komisi yang terdiri dari deputi dari partai politik bernama COCOPA mengubah sedikit perjanjian tersebut dengan persetujuan EZLN. Presiden Meksiko yang baru, Ernesto Zedillo, bagaimanapun, mengatakan bahwa kongres harus memutuskan apakah menyetujui perjanjian tersebut atau tidak. Mengklaim telah adanya ingkar janji di meja negosiasi, EZLN kembali ke hutan sementara Zedillo meningkatkan kehadiran militer di Chiapas untuk mencegah berkembangnya zona pengaruh EZLN. Gencatan senjata tidak resmi yang berbarengan dengan senyapnya aktivitas EZLN berlangsung selama tiga tahun selanjutnya, dan merupakan yang terakhir pada masa Zedillo.

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After the dialogue ended, many accusations were made against the Mexican army and para-military groups due to prosecution, detentions and killings of Zapatistas and supporters; one particular incident was the Massacre of Acteal, where 45 people attending a church service were killed by unknown persons. The motives and the identities of the attackers aren't clear, to the point it might not be related to the EZLN at all (however, the survivors claim that they were attacked by paramilitaries).

In 2000 new President Vicente Fox Quesada, the first from the opposition in 72 years, sent the so-called COCOPA Law (constitutional changes) to Congress on one of his first acts of government (December 5, 2000), as he had promised during his campaign. After seeing the criticism and proposed modifications by notable congressmen, Subcommander Marcos and part of his group decided to go, unarmed, to Mexico City in order to speak at congress in support of the original proposal. After a march through seven Mexican states with substantial support from the population and media coverage (and escorted by police to protect the EZLN members), representatives of the EZLN (not including Marcos) spoke at Congress in March, 2001, in a controversial event. The march was nicknamed "Zapatour", and on the day of their arrival an unrelated concert for peace was held. During their stay they visited schools and universities.

Soon after the EZLN had returned to Chiapas, Congress approved a different version of the COCOPA Law, which did not include the autonomy clauses, claiming they were in contradiction with some constitutional rights (including private property and secret voting); this was seen as a betrayal by the EZLN and other political groups. These constitutional changes still had to be approved by a majority of state congresses. Many political and ethnic groups filed complaints both against and in favour of the changes, which were finally approved and went into effect on August 14, 2001. This, and the still recent President Fox's electoral victory in 2000 slowed down the movement, which had less media coverage since then.

As a last recourse to void the changes, a constitutionality complaint was filed to be resolved by the Supreme Court of Justice, which ruled in September 6, 2002 that since they were constitutional changes made by Congress and not a law as it was wrongly called, it was outside its power to reverse the changes, as that would be an invasion of Congress' sovereignty.

Until 2004 many people believed Subcommander Marcos had fled from Chiapas. Attempts to contact him failed or were answered by email or Internet publications. Although Marcos has denied to be the head of the Zapatista movement, presenting himself as a spokesman, he is by far the most prominent figure of the EZLN to the public. There are 23 commanders and 1 subcommander which total 24, the collective leadership of the EZLN, one of its unique characteristics, known as the Comite Clandestino Revolucionario Indígena or CCRI, Revolutionary Indigenous Clandestine Committee).

The communiques of 2004 list accomplishments and failures of their movement. From their own point of view, the Councils of Good Government, or Juntas de Buen Gobierno have been successful, as well as efforts to keep the violence between them and the military to a minimum. Their efforts to increase the role of women in cultural and political matters weren't that successful.

From these communiqués it seems Marcos has been following the developments, from wherever he was. He also reiterated their long known opposition to what they see as a worldwide movement towards a neoliberal globalized economy, claiming that the current trend in government policies disempowers the people and establishes a de facto corporate government. The United States war on terror, IMF/World Bank sponsored economic policies, and free trade agreements are seen as an application of these policies.

In October 2004, Subcomandante Marcos issued communiques explaining the problems that the EZLN had with the Mexican government. Some Zapatista communities were expelled from their homes. The EZLN claims that this is an attempt to gain control of an area rich in natural resources (biodiversity and oil). These communities were relocated with great difficulty due to lack of resources, something that the EZLN intended to alleviate by calling for international help. The Mexican government maintains a vague stance on the issue, claiming the people were moved for their own benefit.

However, the relevance of the EZLN to the national political agenda diminished. The Zapatistas claim that this silent period of their uprising has been an extremely rich effort, centered in organizing their own "good government" and lives autonomously; in particular the organization for an autonomous education and healthcare system, with its own schools, hospitals and pharmacies in places neglected by the Mexican government. Recently, with the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon jungle it seems that the Zapatistas will again enter into the political arena.

There are currently 32 "rebel autonomous zapatista municipalities" (independent Zapatista communities, MAREZ from their name in Spanish) in Chiapas.

[sunting] Controversies

In the late months of 2002, Subcommander Marcos wrote a letter to a Spanish supporter on October 12, the date Columbus arrived to the Americas in 1492, marked by indigenous peoples as the beginning of their suffering. In that long letter, Marcos calls Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzón a "grotesque clown" for, among other things, banning Batasuna, an independent Basque party on claims it was supporting Spanish terrorist group ETA, and then calling Garzón's attempt to try Chilean General Pinochet for human rights violations against Spanish citizens a "fool-deceiving tale". Marcos also criticized the Spanish monarchy and then Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar. After the publication of the letter by the Mexican press on November 25th, Marcos and Garzón exchanged many more via the international press, in a not-so-elegant duel of words, which included Marcos' joking acceptance of Garzón's challenge to a debate, betting to reveal his secret identity if he lost against Garzón's commitment to the EZLN cause if he won. The whole incident caused much stir among many of Marcos' supporters. Some were upset about Marcos devoting his time to other causes; others thought the tone of his letters was improper of the official spokesman of the EZLN and finally others interpreted his letters as supporting the ETA.

In February 2003, Marcos wrote yet another letter, this time condemning the congressmen of the only party that supported, to some degree, the zapatistas, the Party of the Democratic Revolution, claiming they agreed to approve a modified version of the EZLN-sanctioned COCOPA Law the previous year. That letter and the replies that followed left many of EZLN's strongest and most influential allies ill disposed toward Marcos. It was not a surprising move, however, since the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) had dismissed the San Andres Accords

Aside from criticism of political actors, Marcos described EZLN's ongoing work in its zones of influence, and changes in its internal organization.

[sunting] Political initiatives

Since December 1994, the Zapatistas had been gradually forming several autonomous municipalities, independent of the Mexican government. By August 2003 these municipalities had evolved into local government "juntas", implementing communitarian food-producing programs, health and school systems, supported in part by NGOs. Then several "Juntas of Good Government" formed by representatives of the autonomous municipalities and overseen by the EZLN were created as an upper level of government under the motto mandar obedeciendo (to command obeying). These renegade municipalities had been tolerated by the government despite being a state within the state. Although they do not tax the inhabitants, the zapatistas decide, through assemblies, to work in communitarian projects; when someone does not participate in these communitarian efforts it is discussed and sometimes it is decided to not consider the person a Zapatista. This for example implies that the person has to pay for medicine in zapatista pharmacies (although not for medical care). Membership in the Juntas rotates continuously, so that all members of the community have an opportunity to serve the community and also to prevent people in power to become addicted to it or become corrupted.

[sunting] Communications

The EZLN placed since the beginning a very high priority on communication with the rest of Mexico and the rest of the world. Subcommander Marcos writings (almost the only ones) were initially in plain prose, with references to indigenous cultures and influenced by their style. These declarations and analysis were sent to national and international media. They also made excellent use of technology, in the form of satellite phones and the Internet to communicate with supporters in other countries, helping them gain international solidarity and support from other organizations and people. For some time, on almost every trip abroad the president of Mexico was confronted by small activist groups about "the Chiapas situation".

Their public spokesperson is Subcommander Marcos, a pipe-smoking middle-aged man whose real identity, according to the Mexican government, is Rafael Guillén, a middle-class university lecturer. Marcos himself denies this, but keeps his identity secret. His skin tone is paler than that of the average Mexican. He is clearly not indigenous, something his critics use to question his goals and motives. Marcos has been recognized by many as an outstanding and eloquent communicator; his writings, colloquial, ironic, and with references to indigenous stories were eagerly published by the media in the first years. However, after 2001 a long period of silence brought his relationship with the media to a standstill. In 2002 he began writing again, but this time his style was different and his declaration more aggressive, even against former allies.

By 2004 the EZLN's communication strategy was not clear. Except for isolated letters and "comunicados" about the political climate, mostly criticism, the EZLN had been silent for almost three years, and the media (except "La Jornada" newspaper) stopped covering them as there was no public interest.

For the first half of 2004, Marcos remained silent. By the middle of the year Luis H. Álvarez, Head of COCOPA, the official communication link between the EZLN and the Mexican government, declared Marcos hasn't been seen in Chiapas for some time, and that he didn't know his location. However the EZLN was still active, mostly tending the local governments it has created.

In August 2004, Marcos sent to the Mexican press eight brief communiques, the whole set titled "Reading a video", published from August 20 to August 28. They were probably intended as a mocking of the political video scandals earlier in the year, the set beginning and ending as a kind of written description of an imaginary low-budget zapatista video, the rest being Marcos' comments on political events of the year and the EZLN current stance and development. The communiques went mostly unnoticed, partly because of the Olympic Games of Athens 2004 and the Congress reforms to the IMSS pension system, and partly because of loss of interest by the public.

In 2005 Marcos made headlines again by comparing Andrés Manuel López Obrador with Carlos Salinas de Gortari (as part of a broad criticism to the three main political parties in Mexico the PAN, PRI and PRD) and publicly declaring the EZLN in "Red Alert". Shortly communiques announced that the EZLN had undergone a restructuring that enabled them to withstand the loss of their public leadership (Marcos and the CCRI). A consultation with the zapatistas support base led to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.

[sunting] Ideology

The EZLN claims to represent the rights of the indigenous population, but also sees itself and is seen as part of a wider anti-capitalist movement. The neozapatistas oppose globalization, or neoliberalism, the economic system advocated by the Mexican presidents from 1982 to 2000. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), is an example of neoliberal policy, and spawned the 1994 Zapatista revolution because those who would later become the EZLN believed that it would destroy the rights of Mexico's impoverished indigenous community. The group takes its name from the Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata; they see themselves as his ideological heirs, and heirs to 500 years of indigenous resistance against imperialism.

The EZLN differs from most revolutionary groups by having stopped military action after the initial uprising in the first two weeks of 1994. They never attempted their announced campaign against the capital, in fact they didn't leave the jungle, but in any case they were no match for the Mexican army. They organized a nationwide vote in which the general public chose to stop armed confrontation and continue through peaceful means as their course of action. They say these channels have been ineffective for the indigenous and for everyone else for too much time (500 years, as they say), thus the EZLN motto: ¡Ya Basta! ("Enough!"). This stance weakened after the electoral victory of Vicente Fox Quesada, who peacefully assumed the presidency as the first president from the opposition in 72 years. However, they have not participated in elections and now propose a non-electoral political front.

Only once, EZLN representatives have publicly visited (unarmed) Mexico City, marching down the streets, doing press conferences and organizing meetings with the civilian population and some political parties. This great march to Mexico City, described in a different part of this article, was also relatively peaceful, with some minor, mostly verbal, incidents. This peaceful approach is one of the reasons for its longevity and some popularity with the civilian population.

The EZLN has been mainly fighting for autonomy of the indigenous population as a solution to poverty ; they promote a kind of state within a state where peoples can retain their ways of government and communal way of life yet receive outside support in needed areas. Many leftist groups have attempted to "adopt" the Zapatistas by portraying them as Trotskyists, Anarchists, Socialists, etc., when in actuality, the Zapatista ideology of autonomy is unique.

[sunting] Peristiwa yang baru dan sedang berlangsung

Pada 28 Juni 2005, EZLN mengeluarkan lanjutan dari apa yg disebut "Deklarasi Rimba Raya Lacandon ke-enam". Mengacu pada komunike, EZLN telah menggambarkan dalam sejarah dan memutuskan keharusan untuk melakukan perubahan dalam kelanjutan perjuangannya. Dengan demikian, EZLN telah memutuskan untuk menyatukan "para buruh, petani, pelajar-mahasiswa, guru, dan pekerja... para buruh di kota dan pedalaman." Mereka mengusulkan untuk melakukan sebuah non-electoral front untuk membicarakan dan menyusun bersama sebuah konstitusi baru untuk mendirikan suatu kultur politik baru.

Pada 1 Januari 2006, EZLN memulai sebuah tur besar-besaran mengelilingi seluruh 31 provinsi Meksiko untuk menyambut tahun pemilu presiden yang demokratis. EZLN telah menjelaskan bahwa mereka tidak akan ikut serta secara langsung. Mereka akan berkeliling ke 31 provinsi tanpa membawa senjata. ^[2]

[sunting] Referensi

1. ^ http://www.nodo50.org/pchiapas/chiapas/documentos/despertador/edit.htm
2. ^ http://www.indymedia.org/or/2006/01/830750.shtml

[sunting] Buku

• Bayang Tak Berwajah, dokumen perlawanan Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Zapatista; Insist Press; ISBN 979-97228-6-1
• Kata Adalah Senjata, kumpulan tulisan terpilih 2001-2004; Resist Book; ISBN 979-3723-45-9
• Atas dan Bawah: Topeng dan Kehidupan - Komunike-komunike Zapatista Melawan Neoliberalisme; Resist Book; ISBN 979-3723-61-0

[sunting] Pranala luar

• (es) Situs resmi
• (en) Halaman Wikisource tentang dokumen-dokumen Zapatista
• Enlace Zapatista'
• The EZLN in the world
• Radio Insurgente
• Communiques
• Chiapas Indymedia
• ZNet Chiapas Watch/Zapatista Crisis page with English translations of EZLN documents
• A Commune in Chiapas - Libertarian Marxist Analysis of the Zapatista Uprising
• "A two wheeled rocinante from the jungle", Narco News
• "Why U.S. should pay attention to Mexico's Zapatistas"
• Student Project on Cyberactivism and the EZLN
• Zapatistas Discussion Group
• Zapatista Blog
• "UNMASKING MILITARISM - U.S.- Supported Low-Intensity War in Chiapas"