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Contents 1 Signature test 2 Music 2.1 Favourite 2.1.1 Jazz and related 2.1.2 "Classical" Music 3 Linguistics 3.1 Nakh-Daghestanian 3.1.1 Nakh-Daghestanian Consonant Correspondences 3.1.1.1 From Nichols (2003) 4 Experimenting with Wikipedia editing 4.1 Version 2 5 testing (changing the DC article) 5.1 Evidence for Dené-Caucasian 5.1.1 Morphology and morphosyntax 5.1.1.1 Shared class affixes 5.1.1.2 Pronominal morphemes 5.1.2 Shared pronominal morphemes 5.1.3 Shared noun class pre- and infixes 5.1.3.1 Shared suffixes 5.2 Footnotes 5.3 References 6 Suprasegmentals 7 Criticisms

[edit] Signature test

Let me test my signature first ;) --Pet'usek ^{[petrdothrubisatgmaildotcom]} 19:45, 23 January 2008 (UTC)

[edit] Music

I'm interested in music. I play the (tenor) saxophone in two groups (the genre is difficult to determine, but its a fusion of jazz, rock, funky...hard to say :)). I also play the drums, guitar, clarinette, recorder, and piano (with skills decreasing from the former to the latter :)).

• Vánoce - I used to play with them. I think they don't exist anymore.
• Beatlebagle - I used to play with them.
• Bezzáruky - I play with them.
• Jednoduše - I have played with them as a guest player several times.
• Shared - I am rehearsing with them. Whether we will ever perform remains open. :-D

[edit] Favourite

[edit] Jazz and related

Miles Davis, Mike Stern, Pat Metheny, John Scofield, Dennis Chambers, Jaco Pastorius, Victor Wooten, Béla Fleck, Chick Corea, Richard Bona, Bill Evans (the saxophone player), Dave Weckl, Herbie Hancock, Joe Zawinul, John Coltrane, Oscar Peterson, Sting, Victor Bailey, and a quite a number of others.

[edit] "Classical" Music

Bach, Mozart, Debussy, Chopin, Smetana, Dvořák, Janáček, Martinů, Bernstein, etc. The list would be too long if it contained all of them :)

[edit] Linguistics

I'm studying linguistics and phonetics. I'm especially interested in historical-comparative linguistics.

[edit] Nakh-Daghestanian

[edit] Nakh-Daghestanian Consonant Correspondences

[edit] From Nichols (2003)

PEC	Nakh	AAT	Lak	Dargi	Lezghian
*tʼ
*cʼ [tsʼ]
*čʼ [tʃʼ]
*ƛʼ [tɬʼ]
*kʼ
(*qʼ)

[edit] Experimenting with Wikipedia editing

[1ps] "I"	ʒ́a	PNC *zō
[2ps] "thou"	un (Directive/Ergative)	PNC *uō(n)
[2ps] "thou"	gu-´, gú-, gó- (Oblique)	PNC *ʁwV̄

[edit] Version 2

Thank you. I have 40 more comparisons I could add, if I had more time. Here are the first ten, others will be added later. Thanks for the help again. I also need to do the following (which I'm not able to do):

Burushaski-Caucasian Comparanda
	Burushaski	Meaning	Comments	Caucasian	Meaning	Comments
1	ʒ́a	I		*zō	I	Khinalug /zi/
2	un	thou	Directive/Ergative	*uō(-n)	thou	Archi, Udi /un/
3	gu-´, gú-, gó-	thou	Oblique	*ʁwV̄	thou	Dargwa (Sirgokala) /gu/
4	men / bo, be / bá-śa	who? / what? / when?		*mV	interrogative pronoun	Batsbi /mẽ/ "who", Archi /ba-sa/ "when?"
5	te, eté, ot	that	y-class singular	*tV, *dV	that	Lak /tat/ "that"
6	-́l-ći, il-	eye		*ʡwĭlʡi	eye	Aghul /ul/
7	-múś	nose, snot		*mHărčwV	snot	Chamalal /maš/ "snot"
8	-́ṣ	neck, throat		*ris_wĔ	neck	Adyghean /p-śa/ "neck"
9	-́qat	armpit	(Hunza, Yasin); Nagar /-́qetaraŋ/ "armpit"	*qVdV	breast	Bezhta /ʁade/
10	-ltáltar	front leg, animal shoulder; arm	(Hunza); Yasin /-ltáltariŋ/ "breasts (of a woman) sticking out"	*Hl[a]ƛ̣V̄	breast; back	Archi /ƛ̣:ol/ "shoulder-blade, foreleg (of animal)", Chamalal /halʷ/ "breast"
11	-sú	navel, navel cord	plural /-sú/ or /-súmu/	*ʒ_ŏnʔŭ	navel	Dargwa /zu/, Khinalug /c̣um/
12	-úl	stomach		*=ɨ̄raŁ_V	stomach; rennet, abomasum	Agul /uraj/, Archi /b-aƛ/

Likely cognates of case endings
Basque Case	Basque	Burushaski	Caucasian	Comments
Absolutive	-0	-0	-0	The absolutive form is generally used for the subjects of intransitive verbs and the direct object of transitive verbs. Special ergative forms are used for the subject of transitive verbs.
Ergative	-k	-k/-ak(1)	-k’ə(2)	(1) instrumental; (2) Kabardian ergative, Circassian (Adyghe) instrumental
Dative	-i	-e(1)	*-Hi(2)	(1) used as both ergative and genitive; (2) manifests as Avar -e (dative), Hunzib -i (dative) etc., shifted to instrumental in Lak, Dargwa, genitive in Khinalug, or ergative in Tsezian, Dargwa and Khinalug
Instrumental	-z [s]	-as/-áas(1)	*-s:-(2)	(1) cf. parallel infinitive -s in some Lezghian languages; (2) instrumental animate; general attributive, shifted to closely related functions in most modern languages, e.g. ergative animate in Chechen, adjectival and participial attributive suffix in Abkhaz etc.
Genitive	-en		*-nV(1)	(1) attested as genitive in Lezghi, Chechen (also infinitive, adj. and particip. suff.), possessive in Ubykh etc.; in some languages the function has shifted to ablative (Avar), ergative (Udi, Ubykh)
Allative	-ra(1)	-r/-ar(2), -al-(3)	*-ɫV(4)	(1) some northern Basque dialects have the form -rat and/or -lat; (2) dative/allative; (3) locative; (4) Chechen -l, -lla (translative), Tsez -r (dative, lative), Khinalug -li (general locative) etc.
Comitative	-ekin		*KV(1)	(1) possible cognates among mutually incompatible suffixes, cf. Avar -gu-n, -gi-n (comitative), Andi -lo-gu, Karata -qi-l, Tindi -ka, Akhwakh -qe-na.

Yeniseian languages

[edit] testing (changing the DC article)

[edit] Evidence for Dené-Caucasian

Main articles: Proto-Dené-Caucasian language and Proto-Dené-Caucasian roots

There are three types of evidence for this superphylum.

[edit] Morphology and morphosyntax

[edit] Shared class affixes

Systems of noun classification exist in Caucasian languages, Burushaski, and Yeniseian. The proponents suggest that only fossilized vestiges remain in the other branches. In Basque, for example, there is hatz 'finger, paw' versus behatz 'thumb, toe' (meanings vary widely depending on dialect) < */be-hats/; Basque herde, helder 'drivel' is bilder in the Gipuzkoa dialect < */bi-helder/.

[edit] Pronominal morphemes

BODY OF THE TEXT

[edit] Shared pronominal morphemes

Several roots can be reconstructed for the 1^st and 2^nd person singular pronouns. This may indicate that there were pronouns with irregular declension in Proto-Dené-Caucasian, like "I" vs "me" throughout Indo-European. In the daughter languages some of the roots are often affixes instead of independent pronouns.

The Algic,^[1] Salishan, Wakashan,^[2] and Sumerian comparisons should be regarded as especially tentative because regular sound correspondences between these families and the more often accepted Dené-Caucasian families have not yet been reconstructed. To a lesser degree this also holds for the Na-Dené comparisons where sound correspondences have not yet been published.

/V/ means that the vowel in this position has not been successfully reconstructed, /K/ could have been any velar plosive?, /S/ could have been any sibilant or assibilate?.

Meaning	Proto-Dené-Caucasian	Proto- Basque	Proto- Caucasian	Proto- Burushaski	Proto- Sino-Tibetan	Proto- Yeniseian	Na-Dené	Proto- Salishan	Proto- Algic	Sumerian
1st sg.	/ŋV/	/ni/, /n/-	/nɨ/	/a/-	/ŋaː/-	/ŋ/		/nV/	/nˀV/-	/ŋa(e)/[1]
	/d͡zV/	-/da/-, -/t/	/zoː/	/d͡ʑa/		/ʔad͡z/	[2]	-/t͡s(a)/-, -/s/[3]
	/KV/	/gu/[4], /g/-			/ka/-		[5]
2nd sg.	/KwV/	/hi/, /h/-, -/ga/-	/ʁVː/	/gu/-~/go/-	/Kwa/-	/(V)k(V)/	[6]	/ʔaxʷ/	/k̕V/-
	/wVn/		/woː-n/	/u-n/	/na-(ŋ)/	/ʔaw/	[7]	/wV/
3rd sg.	/w/- or /m/-	/be-ra/	/mV/	/mu/-[8]	/m/-	/wV/	[9]
2nd pl.	/Su/	/su/, /s/-	/ʑwe/							/t͡sa(e)/[10]

Footnotes: ¹ Emesal dialect /ma(e)/; ² Proto-Athabaskan */ʃ/, Haida dii /dìː/; ³ Also in Proto-Southern Wakashan; ⁴ 1st pl.; ⁵ Tlingit xa /χà/, Eyak /x/-, /xʷ/; ⁶ Proto-Athabaskan */χʷ/-, Tlingit ÿi /ɰi/ > yi /ji/ = 2nd pl.; Tlingit i /ʔì/, Eyak /ʔi/ "thou"; ⁷ Proto-Athabaskan */ŋ̰ən/-, Haida dang /dàŋ/, Tlingit wa.é /waʔɛ́/; ⁸ Feminine; ⁹ Proto-Athabaskan */wə/-, Eyak /wa/-, Tlingit wé /wɛ́/, Haida 'wa /wˀà/; ¹⁰ 2nd sg.

[edit] Shared noun class pre- and infixes

Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion.

Noun classification occurs in the Caucasian languages, Burushaski, Yeniseian, and the Na-Dené languages. In Basque and Sino-Tibetan, only fossilized vestiges of the prefixes remain.^[3]

to be elaborated and corrected

Proto-Dené-Caucasian	Proto-Basque [a]	Proto-Caucasian [b]	Burushaski [c]	Proto-Sino-Tibetan [d]	Proto-Yeniseian [e]
/u̯/-	/o/-, /u/-	/u̯/-	/u/-		/a/, /o/
/j/	/e/-, /i/-	/j/-	/i/-	/g/- (?)	/i/, /id/
/w/	/be/-, /bi/-	/w/-, /b/-, /m/-		/b/-, /m/-	/b/
/r/		/r/-, /d/-		/r/-, /d/-
/s/	-/s/-	(-/s/-)		/s/-

Footnotes: ^a In Basque, the class prefixes became fossilized; ^b In many Caucasian languages (28), systems of this type more or less persist to this day, especially in the East Caucasian languages, whereas in West Caucasian, only Abkhaz and Abaza preserve a distinction human-nonhuman;^{[4] c} Burushaski seems to have reversed the first two animate classes,^[5] which may have parallels in some East Caucasian languages, namely Rutul, Tsakhur, or Kryz; ^d As with Basque, the class system was already obsolete by the time the languages were recorded;^[6]

[edit] Shared suffixes

Likely cognates of case endings
Basque Case	Basque	Burushaski	Caucasian	Comments
Absolutive	-0	-0	-0	The absolutive form is generally used for the subjects of intransitive verbs and the direct object of transitive verbs. Special ergative forms are used for the subject of transitive verbs.
Ergative	-k	-k/-ak(1)	-k’ə(2)	(1) instrumental; (2) Kabardian ergative, Circassian (Adyghe) instrumental
Dative	-i	-e(1)	*-Hi(2)	(1) used as both ergative and genitive; (2) manifests as Avar -e (dative), Hunzib -i (dative) etc., shifted to instrumental in Lak, Dargwa, genitive in Khinalug, or ergative in Tsezian, Dargwa and Khinalug
Instrumental	-z [s]	-as/-áas(1)	*-s:-(2)	(1) cf. parallel infinitive -s in some Lezghian languages; (2) instrumental animate; general attributive, shifted to closely related functions in most modern languages, e.g. ergative animate in Chechen, adjectival and participial attributive suffix in Abkhaz etc.
Genitive	-en		*-nV(1)	(1) attested as genitive in Lezghi, Chechen (also infinitive, adj. and particip. suff.), possessive in Ubykh etc.; in some languages the function has shifted to ablative (Avar), ergative (Udi, Ubykh)
Allative	-ra(1)	-r/-ar(2), -al-(3)	*-ɫV(4)	(1) some northern Basque dialects have the form -rat and/or -lat; (2) dative/allative; (3) locative; (4) Chechen -l, -lla (translative), Tsez -r (dative, lative), Khinalug -li (general locative) etc.
Comitative	-ekin		*KV(1)	(1) possible cognates among mutually incompatible suffixes, cf. Avar -gu-n, -gi-n (comitative), Andi -lo-gu, Karata -qi-l, Tindi -ka, Akhwakh -qe-na.

[edit] Footnotes

[edit] References

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• BENGTSON, John D., 1998. "Caucasian and Sino-Tibetan: A Hypothesis of S. A. Starostin." General Linguistics, Vol. 36, no. 1/2, 1998 (1996). Pegasus Press, University of North Carolina, Asheville, North Carolina.
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• PINNOW, Heinz-Jürgen (1985a). Sprachhistorische Untersuchung einiger Tiernamen im Haida (Fische, Stachelhäuter, Weichtiere, Gliederfüßer, u.a.) [Language-historical investigation of some animal names in Haida (fish, echinoderms, mollusks, arthropods, and others]. Nortorf: Völkerkundliche Arbeitsgemeinschaft. (Abhandlungen, Heft 39)
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• RUBICZ, R., MELVIN, K. L., CRAWFORD, M.H. 2002. Genetic Evidence for the phylogenetic relationship between Na-Dene and Yeniseian speakers. Human Biology, Dec 1 2002 74 (6) 743-761.

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• RUHLEN, Merritt, 1998c. "The Origin of the Na-Dene." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 95: 13994–96.
• RUHLEN, Merritt. 1997. "Une nouvelle famille de langues: le déné-caucasien," Pour la Science (Dossier, October), 68–73.

• SCHMIDT, Karl Horst, 1994. "Class Inflection and Related Categories in the Caucasus." In Non-Slavic Languages of the USSR, ed. by H. I. Aronson, pp. 185-192. Columbus, OH: Slavica.

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• VAJDA, Edward J. 2000b. Yeniseian and Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit.' – Paper read at: Linguistics Department Colloquium, University of British Columbia, Mar. 2000
• VAJDA, Edward J. 2000c. Ket verb morphology and its parallels with Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit: evidence of a genetic link. – Paper read at: Athabaskan Language Conference, Moricetown, BC, June 9, 2000
• VAJDA, Edward J. 2000d. Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit and Yeniseian: lexical and phonological parallels. Read at: 39th Conference on American Indian Languages, San Francisco, Nov. 14-18, 2000

• VAN DRIEM, George, 2001. "The Languages of the Himalayas." Brill, Leiden.

• VOVIN, Alexander, 2002. "Building a 'bum-pa for Sino-Caucasian." Journal of Chinese Linguistics 30.1: 154–171.
• VOVIN, Alexander, 1997. "The Comparative Method and Ventures Beyond Sino-Tibetan." Journal of Chinese Linguistics 25.2: 308–336.

• WERNER, Heinrich K. (2004): Zur jenissejisch-indianischen Urverwandtschaft [On the Yeniseian-[American] Indian primordial relationship]. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz

[edit] Suprasegmentals

The stressed penultimate syllables in PDC give rise to the morpheme-wide tenseness in PNC. As only fricatives and affricates can be tense in PNC, their absence makes tense morphemes indistinguishable from the lax ones. The loss of the slot-3 glottal stop after long vowels in PY is another problem for the clear determination of stress in PDC. In the following table, P represents a PNC stop consonant, whereas F a fricative or an affricate.

PDC	PNC	PY	PST
ˈCVː•CVː	FːVː•FːVː	CVː•CVː
	FːVː•PVː
	PVː•FːVː
	PVː•PVː
ˈCVː•CV	FːVː•FːV	CVʔ•CV
	FːVː•PV
	PVː•FːV
	PVː•PV
ˈCV•CVː	FːV•FːVː	CVʔ•CVː
	FːV•PVː
	PV•FːVː
	PV•PVː
ˈCV•CV	FːV•FːV	CVʔ•CV
	FːV•PV
	PV•FːV
	PV•PV
CVː•ˈCVː	CVː•CVː	CVː•CVː
CVː•ˈCV	CVː•CV	CV•CV
CV•ˈCVː	CV•CVː	CV•CVː
CV•ˈCV	CV•CV	CV•CV

PDC	PNC	PY	PST
ˈHV(R)•CV	&	&	CV
HV(R)•ˈCV	&	&	CV
ˈHwV(R)•CV	&	&	HVC
HwV(R)•ˈCV	&	&	CV
CV(R)•ˈCV	&	&	CV•C
CV•ˈRV	&	CV•CV	CRV
ˈCV•RV	&	CVʔ•CV	CVR

...to be completed...

[edit] Criticisms

GLOSS	AUTHORS
	Vajda	Werner	Starostin
STONE	ceˀs	*t'ɨʔs	*čɨʔ-s
WATER	*kul	*(k)uʎ / *(k)uʎǝ	*xur1