Olmec were-jaguar
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The Olmec were-jaguar is one of the most prominent, distinctive, and enigmatic Olmec designs to appear in the archaeological record. The name is derived from Old English were, meaning "man", and jaguar, a common member of the cat family in the Olmec heartland.
Although often seen in figurines of were-jaguar babies, the motif can also be found carved into jade “votive axes” and celts, engraved onto various portable figurines of jade and jadeite, and depicted on several "altars" (or thrones), such as those at La Venta. Were-jaguar babies are often held by a stoic, seated figure.
The were-jaguar figure is characterized by a distinctive toothless down-turned mouth and almond-shaped eyes, often wearing a headdress with long wavy side-flaps. Additionally, like many other Olmec supernaturals, the were-jaguar is often depicted with a cleft forehead,[1] similar to the male jaguar which has a cleft running vertically the length of its head.
Although the Olmec were-jaguar was once thought to be the predominate motif of Olmec art,[2] analyses over the past several decades have shown that the were-jaguar, defined as God IV by Peter Joralemon, is only one of many supernaturals.[3]
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[edit] Interpretations
Scholars including Matthew Stirling and Michael D. Coe had proposed that the were-jaguar motif was derived from the story of copulation between a male jaguar and a female human, largely based on Potrero Nuevo Monument 3, Tenochititlán Monument 1, and Laguna de los Cerros Mounment 20, and murals from Chalcatzingo. Further examinations of these sculptures, however, have rendered such interpretations problematic while other scholars like Whitney Davis (1978), Carolyn Tate (1999), Carson Murdy (1981), and Peter Furst (1981) have proposed alternative ideas explaining the jaguar characteristics.
[edit] Jaguar as victor
Davis (1978) suggests, for instance, that the so-called depictions of human-jaguar copulation on monuments are perhaps the beginnings of a jaguar cult or are representative of conquest in battle rather than a sexual conquest. Instead of viewing the people and jaguar-figures in sexual situations, Davis sees the jaguar, or man in jaguar pelts, as an aggressor towards a defeated opponent. Most of the figures in the reliefs and monuments are clothed in loincloths, which would negate copulation, and Davis believes those that are naked appear dead or dying rather than in a sexual posture. It is not uncommon to see unclothed human figures as representative of dead captives or opponents in battle, as in the danzantes of Monte Alban.
[edit] Genetic defects
Even before Davis (1978) questioned the idea of a belief system centering on human-jaguar copulation, scholars like Michael Coe (1962) looked for other biological causes for the fleshy lips, cleft head, and toothless mouths that make up the were-jaguar motif. Genetic abnormalities like Down syndrome and spina bifida have been common explanations. People afflicted with spina bifida in particular present developmental defects that coincide with the were-jaguar characteristics. One such condition is encephaloceles, which among other things, can cause separation of the cranial sutures and result in depression, or cleft, in the head (Murdy 1981:863). Cranium bifidum can produce similar results. In addition, there is a higher chance of these conditions occurring within the same family, than randomly throughout the population, and there might have been considerable inbreeding among the elite (Murdy 1981: 863-866). If children born with this affliction were seen as divine or special in some way, multiple births of affected children within a family or familial line would have reinforced that family’s political and religious power.
[edit] Jaguar as power
One interpretation for prevalent jaguar motifs would be the respect Mesoamerican societies had for the animal. Ancient rulers would want to associate themselves with one of the most regal and powerful creatures of their area, and adoption of jaguar motifs in person or in artistic depictions could reinforce or validate leadership for the present and future alike. The jaguar was respected by the natives for its hunting prowess, agility, strength, and aggressiveness; all characteristics admired by Mesoamerican societies.
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[edit] Not a jaguar, but a toad
Other ideas about the meaning of the were-jaguar motif question whether or not the diagnostic traits of the motif actually represent a jaguar. The cleft head of the “were-jaguar” is most often called into question. The cleft has been seen to represent a trait of the toad, as a “gender-specific female symbol” (Furst 1981: 151), or as distinguishing mark of a rain or maize supernatural being.
Several characteristics of the toad have led some to believe that the were-jaguar motif does not actually represent a jaguar. Species of toad that are commonly found in Mesoamerica, like Bufo marinus or Bufo valliceps have the pronounced cleft in the head, and like all toads have a fleshy mouth with toothless gums. These species of toad are known to have ceremonial and hallucinogenic properties for many cultures of Mesoamerica. Skeletal remains of these species, particularly B. marinus, have been found at several archaeological sites in Mesoamerica including Olmec ceremonial centers. These species of toads have inherent symbolic power in their metamorphic life cycle, their fertility, their hallucinogenic venom, and especially their skin-shedding (Furst 1981 150).
Those were-jaguar representations that have fangs commonly attributed as jaguar fangs can also be explained as toad-like. Several times a year, mature toads shed their skin. As the old skin is shed, the toad will eat it. As the skin is eaten it hangs out of the toad’s mouth and closely resembles the fangs of the were-jaguar. The process of regeneration could have symbolized death and rebirth in the earth and its maize crops in the cycle between the wet and dry seasons. The toad then would have been seen as holding powers connected to rain and maize, which the Mesoamericans would have to draw upon through religious artifacts like the were-jaguar celts or the Las Limas Monument 1.
[edit] Cleft head as a representation of fertility
Since several Olmec supernaturals are depicted with a distinct cleft on the forehead -- which reinforces this characteristic as divine -- a cleft forehead may further serve a symbolic purpose. A carved celt from Veracruz shows a representation of God II, or the Maize God, growing corn from his cleft, and also shows this god with the snarling face associated with the jaguar (Coe 1972:3). Thus, the cleft is seen as a sign of fertility, and associates the jaguar with fertility.
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The two were-jaguars depicted on Altar 5 at La Venta as being carried out from a niche or cave -- places often associated with the emergence of human beings -- may be mythic hero twins essential to Olmec mythology (Coe 2002:75-76) and/or perhaps forerunners of the Maya Hero Twins.
[edit] Functions of the were-jaguar
Many scholars argue that these figurines and are feature were-jaguar motifs are not merely art for art's sake (Furst 1996: 79). The figurines were likely used as household gods for many people and as spirit helpers or familiars for priests or shamans, aiding in transformative acts and other rituals (Furst 1996:69-70). Mesoamerican elites used jaguar symbolism to solidify their rule by associating themselves with characteristics of jaguar.
[edit] Summary
There are many theories and associations that swirl around the were-jaguar motif and they need not be not mutually exclusive. It is possible that were-jaguars meant different things at different times during the Olmec period or to the many different people who created the images. The matter is far from settled.
[edit] See also
[edit] Notes
[edit] References
- Benson, E.P. (1998) "The Lord, The Ruler: Jaguar Symbolism in the Americas." In N.J. Saunders (ed), Icons of Power: Feline Symbolism in the Americas. London: Routledge: 53-76.
- Coe, M.D. (1972) "Olmec Jaguars and Olmec Kings." In E.P. Benson (ed), The Cult of the Feline. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks: 1-12.
- Coe, M.D. (1999) The Maya. London: Thames and Hudson: 90, 247-48.
- Coe, M.D. (2002) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. London: Thames and Hudson: 64, 75-76.
- Davis, Whitney. 1978. "So-Called Jaguar-Human Copulation Scenes in Olmec Art". American Antiquity 43(3): 453-457.
- Furst, Peter T. 1981. "Jaguar Baby or Toad Mother: A New Look at an Old Problem in Olmec Iconography", in The Olmec and Their Neighbors, edited by E.P. Benson, Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks: pp 149-162.
- Joralemon, Peter David (1971) A Study in Olmec Iconography, Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology, No. 7, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.
- Murdy, Carson N. 1981. "Congenital Deformities and the Olmec Were-Jaguar Motif", American Antiquity 46(4): 861-871.
- Pool, Christopher (2007) Olmec Archaeology and Early Mesoamerica, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-78882-3.
- Tate, Carolyn E. 1999. "Patrons of Shamanic Power: La Venta’s Supernatural Entities in Light of Mixe Beliefs", Ancient Mesoamerica, 10: 169-188.
- Saunders, N.J. (1998) "Architecture of Symbolism: The Feline Image." In N.J. Saunders (ed), Icons of Power: Feline Symbolism in the Americas. London: Routledge: 12-52.
