Venezuelan presidential election, 2006

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Venezuela

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The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela held presidential elections on 3 December 2006, to choose a president for the six-year term to begin on 10 January 2007. With 98.29% of the polling stations counted, incumbent president Hugo Chávez was re-elected with 62.87% of the votes.^[1]

Contents 1 Main candidates 2 International observers 2.1 Accepted by Venezuelan Electoral Council 2.2 Declined by Venezuelan Electoral Council 3 Primary election 4 Campaign platforms 4.1 Chávez 4.2 Rosales 4.3 Debate 5 Campaign slogans and ads 5.1 Chávez 5.2 Rosales 6 Other candidates 7 Endorsements 7.1 Chávez 7.2 Rosales 7.3 Calling for abstention 8 Predictions 8.1 Polls 8.2 International markets 9 Election day timeline 10 Results 10.1 Reactions 11 Electoral audits 11.1 Tally scrutinization 11.2 Random paper ballot audit 12 Concerns over the Electoral Registry 12.1 Other concerns 13 Claim of inconsistencies in the results 14 Notes 15 See also 16 External links

[edit] Main candidates

• Hugo Chávez,president, representing the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR).
• Manuel Rosales, governor of Zulia, representing A New Era (Un Nuevo Tiempo).

[edit] International observers

[edit] Accepted by Venezuelan Electoral Council

• Carter Center^[2]
• European Union^[3]
• Mercosur^[4]
• Organization of American States^[5]

[edit] Declined by Venezuelan Electoral Council

• Cortes Generales (Spanish parliament)^[6][7]

[edit] Primary election

Civil society organization Súmate recommended procedures for a primary, to be held on 13 August 2006, to choose the opposition candidate for the December 2006 presidential elections.^[8] Teodoro Petkoff, a Chávez critic, said that Súmate's procedure was authoritarian, comparing it to the Carmona Decree.^[9] Nine other candidates agreed to the terms for holding a primary, confirming their desire to allow the citizens to choose the opposition candidate. Another candidate condemned Petkoff's remarks against Súmate, saying that Petkoff's statements did not help the country, and explaining that the conditions for holding a primary had been previously discussed between all of the candidates, including Petkoff.^[10][8] On 9 August, Súmate announced that the 13 August primary election would not be held, since the candidates had decided to back Manuel Rosales as the single opposition candidate. Machado said that the primary "initiative accomplished its goal and that Súmate would continue working to ensure clean elections and respect for citizens' rights."^[11]

[edit] Campaign platforms

[edit] Chávez

Chávez's campaign manager Rafael Lacava said that the campaign was to be based on defending Venezuela's national sovereignty and promoting world peace. According to Unión Radio, Lacava added that a campaign theme was to be the "country's freedom to no longer be a North American colony".^[12]

According to the Associated Press, Chávez launched his campaign "with warnings that Washington is trying to undermine December's presidential vote and destabilize Venezuela", saying "I am the candidate of the revolution and without a doubt I am the candidate of the national majority," dismissing other candidates as "tools of the U.S. government".^[13] El Universal reports that Chávez said, "In this electoral process there are two candidates only, namely Hugo Chávez and George W. Bush."^[14]

Chávez promised that, if elected, he would personally convoke a midterm recall referendum in the year 2010 without the need for petition signatures as was the case with the 2004 recall referendum. This consult would allow the voters of Venezuela to remove him from his post. He has said that if he won that recall referendum, he would then call for a referendum to ask the people for indefinite re-election to be put into the constitution.^[15]

On 26 November Chávez made his final rally in Caracas; it was called "The Red Tide takes Caracas". Reuters estimated that hundreds of thousands participated.^[16] Chávez supporters packed several streets.

[edit] Rosales

Rosales said that the backbone of his government program was to be the social arena, saying it will be a "sound and well defined" program, including a "fair allocation of oil revenues by means of two axes – minimum wage for all unemployed and direct contribution to the underprivileged".^[17] The latter being promoted as Mi Negra which is a debit card handed out to the poor with monthly deposits from 20% of oil industry profits. Nevertheless, a poll shows 59% of the Venezuelan people rejected the Mi Negra program, preferring stable jobs.^[18]

According to the Los Angeles Times, Rosales stated that Chávez was vulnerable on his "massive foreign aid programs, government-approved takeovers of land and buildings, and the perception that crime is increasing". Rosales said, "We will distribute land to the peasants, but we will buy it in such a way as to respect the principle of private property, just as we will respect those of human rights and social justice." Rosales would halt oil giveaways, "including sales of discounted oil to Cuba, until Venezuela reduced its high poverty rate."^[19]

The Associated Press reports that Rosales accuses Chávez of "overspending on a military buildup" and pledged "to use Venezuela's oil wealth to help the poor and improve education and health care", ridiculing Chávez's "claims of a possible war with the U.S." and saying, "Venezuela's real war should be against rampant street crime."^[20]

Rosales held several large rallies around the country; the largest being "Las Avalanchas" in Caracas.^[21] Rallies were held in several states to try and get the Rosales campaign to be heard by as many people as possible. To close his election campaign, Manuel Rosales held a huge final rally in Caracas with an estimate by the Associated Press to be in the hundreds of thousands.^[22]

[edit] Debate

Rosales demanded a public debate, saying Chávez should choose the TV channel where the debate would be broadcast. He also said "I am waiting for him (Chávez) to have a debate with me broadcast by all the TV channels to allow Venezuelans to know what is the project and the vision of the country he has and the project and vision we have".

Chávez declared he would not debate Rosales because "the candidates from the opposition do not even have the condition to debate a schoolboy or girl in sixth grade from a Bolivarian school".^[23][24]

[edit] Campaign slogans and ads

[edit] Chávez

Chávez launched his campaign with a slogan of 10 Millones de votos (10 million votes),^[25] On multiple occasions the campaign used the more combatitive "10 millones por el buche" (10 million votes down their throats).^[26] On 17 August 2006, while leading the oath at the national campaign headquarters (Comando Miranda), Chávez acknowledged that 10 million votes would be hard to attain.^[26][14] The 10 Million votes slogan remained popular as symbolic of the desire of Chávez supporters to not just win, but win by a wide margin to prevent accusations from Rosales supporters that fraud was used to win the election.^{[citation needed]}

From 9 October, Chávez campaign used the slogans por amor (for love) and Chávez, victoria de Venezuela (Chávez, Venezuela's victory). They also used the slogan uh, ah, Chávez no se va (ooh, oh, Chávez won't go) from the 2004 recall referendum campaign.^[27][28] A poll made by the firm Cifras Escenarios reported that 76.7% of Venezuelans liked the love message.^[29] The English translation of the message is as follows:

“

Always, I have done everything out of love. For the love of trees and rivers, I became a painter. For the love of knowledge, studies, I left my dearest village, to study. For the love of sports I became a ball player. For the love of the motherland I became a soldier. For the love of the people I became President, you made me President. I have ruled these years out of love. For love we did Barrio Adentro. For love we did Mission Robinson. For love we did Mercal. We have done everything for love. There is a lot left to do. I need more time. I NEED YOUR VOTE. YOUR VOTE FOR LOVE.

”

[edit] Rosales

Atrévete con Manuel Rosales is the Rosales campaign slogan.^[30]

¡Ni el imperio, ni el barbudo! (Neither the [U.S.] empire, nor the [Cuban] bearded one!) is a slogan used by Rosales in launching his campaign, intended to "hit Chávez where the Venezuelan comandante is most vulnerable: his penchant for giving away billions of dollars to foreign countries, while nearly half of the Venezuelan people live in poverty" referring to subsidized oil deals to both Cuba and the United States. "We are not going to be the empire's defenders," Rosales said. "The empire must respect our sovereignty, and we must respect the empire," and "we cannot be looking at societies like Cuba as a model to be copied. We want modernity, transformation, development."^[31]

[edit] Other candidates

The ballot was the largest in Venezuelan history which, according to El Universal, is explained by division among adherents to grassroots Chavismo.^[32]

• Pedro Aranguren of Movimiento Conciencia de País.
• Jesús Caldera Infante*, the former president of FOGADE, representing the New Progressive Alliance. On 29 November, he withdrew his candidacy and backed Rosales.^[33]
• Lucrecia Carolina Contreras de León, independent.
• Venezuela Portuguesa Da Silva Isquierdo of Nuevo Orden Social.
• Ángel Irigoyen, of Let Us Break Chains (RC).
• Isbelia León, of the Strength and Peace Institution.
• Benjamín Rausseo* a stand-up comedian, endorsed by the newly formed "PIEDRA" party. Three weeks before the election, in accordance with a campaign pledge he had made earlier (to stand down if not placed first or second in the opinion polls), he withdrew his candidacy without endorsing either Chávez or Rosales, telling his supporters to vote for either.^[34]
• Luis Reyes of Joven.
• Homer Rodríguez, of For Love of Venezuela.
• Carmelo Romano Pérez, Liberal United People Movement.
• Judith Salazar of HP.
• Alejandro José Suárez Luzardo of the Partido Sentir Nacional.
• José Tineo, Venezuelan Third Millennium National Party.
• Eudes Vera Tovar, independent.

*Resigned.

[edit] Endorsements

[edit] Chávez

Action Force of Base Coordination (FACOBA)[35] Action Networks of Communitary Change (REDES)[35] Active Democracy National Organization (ONDA)[35] Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV)[36] Communitary Patriotic Unity (UPC)[35] Emergent People (GE)[35] Everybody Wins Independent Movement (MIGATO)[35] Fatherland for All (PPT)[36] Fifth Republic Movement (MVR) For Social Democracy (PODEMOS)[36] Independents for the National Community (IPCN)[35] Laboral Power (PL)[35]

Militants Civic Movement (MCM)[35] Movement for Direct Democracy (MDD) National Independent Movement (MNI)[35] National Socialist Group of Liberation Pro Venezuela (PROVEN)[35] New People Concentration Movement (MCGN)[35] People's Electoral Movement (MEP)[36] Tupamaro[35] Revolutionary Middle Class (CMR)[35] Socialist League (LS)[36] Union Party[35] Venezuelan Popular Unity (UPV)[36] Venezuelan Revolutionary Currents (CRV)[35]

[edit] Rosales

A New Era[37] Acción Agropecuaria[37] Fearless People's Alliance (ABP)[38] Apertura[37] Araguaney Movimiento Popular[37] National Convergence[39] COPEI[40] Democracia Renovadora[37] Encuentro Nacional[37] Fuerza Liberal[37] Fuerza Popular[37] Izquierda Democrática[37] Justice First (PJ)[37]

Movement for Socialism (MAS)[37] Movimiento Republicano[37] Movimiento Laborista[37] Partido Popular Independiente[37] Pensamiento Nacional[37] PIEDRA[41] Polo Democrático[37] Radical Cause[37] Red Flag Party[37] Solidaridad[37] Solidaridad Independiente[37] Unión Republicana Democrática[37] Un Solo Pueblo[37]

Venezuela de Primera[42] Venezuela Somos Todos[37]

[edit] Calling for abstention

• Democratic Action^[43]

[edit] Predictions

[edit] Polls

Polling company	Date published	Hugo Chávez (%)	Manuel Rosales (%)
Evans/McDonough	29 November 2006[44][45]	57	38
Fundación CEPS / Veneopsa ++	24 November 2006[46]	59.7	39.6
Zogby International	24 November 2006[47]	60	31
Associated Press-Ipsos	23 November 2006[48]	59	27
Instituto Venezolano de Análisis de Datos	23 November 2006[49]	54.6	27.5
Observatorio Hannah Arendt*	18 November 2006[50]	51	49
Penn, Schoen & Berland	15 November 2006[51]	48	42
Datanálisis	15 November 2006[52]	52.5	25.5
Centro de Estudios Políticos y Sociales	15 November 2006[51]	58	40
Consultores XXI	15 November 2006[51]	58.8	40
Hinterlaces	9 November 2006[53]	45	27
Evans/McDonough	7 November 2006[54][45]	57	35
Instituto Venezolano de Análisis de Datos	1 November 2006[55]	53.2	28.1
Keller y Asociados+	2 November 2006[56]	52	48
Escenarios	1 November 2006[57]	63.3	26
Ceca	23 October 2006[58]	39.5	41.3
Zogby International	23 October 2006[59]	59	24
Instituto Venezolano de Análisis de Datos	12 October 2006[60]	51.5	22.7
Penn, Schoen & Berland	16 September 2006[61]	50	37
Datanálisis	13 September 2006[62]	58.2	17.4
People's Daily +++	25 August 2006[63]	58.9	19.3
Miami Herald +++	20 August 2006[31]	35	25

(*) Technical tie

(+) Results are political segmentation, not voter intention^[64]

(++) This poll was attributed to the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. University's authorities clarified that they have not knowledge about this study. One of members of the CEPS happen to be a university faculty.

(+++) Publisher does not mention polling company.

[edit] International markets

International markets largely saw a Chávez victory. Rafael de la Fuente of BNP Paribas stated "The market expects a Chávez victory, they don't even question it". Ricardo Amorim of WestLB Research "The vision I see is that of a 20 point victory... We would be surprised if he does not win". Patrick Esteruelas of Euroasia Group saw Chávez winning by 60 percent. Also arguing that a high turnout would benefit Chávez, Goldman Sachs dismissed the close polling arguing, "Chávez is the favorite to win the election due to vast control of logistical and financial state resources, and influence over key institutions".^[65]

[edit] Election day timeline

Polling stations opened at 6:00 a.m. but newspaper El Universal reported that in some electoral centers, voters waited in line since 3:00 a.m.^[66] According to the National Electoral Council (CNE) director Humberto Castillo, the turnout in polling stations was massive, and the conditions were "normal" throughout the country.^[67] Polling station were scheduled to close at 4:00 p.m.^[66] Around 5 p.m., CNE president Tibisay Lucena officially announced the end of the voting process, but gave orders to keep polling stations open if voters still remained in line.^[68]

Rosales' campaign team denounced irregularities in the closing of some voting booths, saying that Plan República—the armed forces sent to guard the electoral process—would not let some electoral centers be closed even though no voters remained in line.^[69] Rosales' spokesman also alerted about the reopening of already closed centers.^[70] CNE member Vicente Díaz later reaffirmed that all polling stations without voters in line must be closed, and that no booths under any circumstances could be reopened.^[71]

[edit] Results

The 29 January 2007 report from the CNE showed the following results:

e•d Venezuelan presidential election, 2006

Candidates	Votes	%
Hugo Chávez (Fifth Republic Movement)	7,309,080	62.84%
Manuel Rosales (A New Era)	4,292,466	36.9%
Luis Reyes	4,807	0.04%
Venezuela Da Silva	3,980	0.03%
Carmelo Romano Pérez	3,735	0.03%
Alejandro Suárez	2,956	0.02%
Eudes Vera	2,806	0.02%
Carolina Contreras	2,169	0.01%
Pedro Aranguren	2,064	0.01%
José Tineo	1,502	0.01%
Yudith Salazar	1,355	0.01%
Ángel Yrigoyen	1,316	0.01%
Homer Rodríguez	1,123	0%
Isbelia León	793	0%
Total (Turnout 74.69 %)	11,790,397	100.0
Source: CNE[72]: null votes: 160,245 (1.35% of all votes)

[edit] Reactions

Shortly after the first set of partial results was broadcast on the night of the election, Hugo Chávez showed up in the Balcón del Pueblo (Spanish for The People's Balcony) in the presidential palace to celebrate his victory and address his followers. Chávez announced that a new era has started in Bolivarian development, focused in the expansion of the Bolivarian Revolution.^[73]

That same night, Manuel Rosales made a brief speech to the nation, recognizing that he had been defeated. But he insisted that the two exit poll studies his supporters had made, and the results of the audits, showed a narrower difference between him and Chávez than was reported by Lucena.^[74] Rosales said in his speech that he and his supporters "will be in streets to prove that the results by the National Electoral Council are not correct, that the gap is narrower that what presented."^[75]

[edit] Electoral audits

Even though a fair number of international observers were present, the CNE instituted an open and public series of audits of the vote results. Each one of the 11,118 automated polling places was equipped with multiple high-tech touch-screen DRE voting machines, one to a "mesa electoral", or voting "table". In total, 32,331 voting machines were in use country-wide. After the vote is cast, each machine prints out a paper ballot, or VVPAT, which is inspected by the voter and deposited in a ballot box belonging to the machine's table. The voting machines perform in a stand-alone fashion, disconnected from any network until the polls close.^[76] Voting session closure at each of the voting stations in a given polling center is determined either by the lack of further voters after the lines have emptied, or by the hour, at the discretion of the president of the voting table.

[edit] Tally scrutinization

After the polls close at any voting table, the following event are performed step by step.

• The DRE voting machine is ordered to close the voting session.
• Tally scrutinization announced.
• Each voting machine prints an original tally sheet, each has a voter total and the number of votes cast for each candidate cast in that particular machine/table.
• Each voting machine is connected to the network and the results are sent to the vote counting center.
• Nine extra tally sheets are printed and distributed to the staff and the six representatives of the candidates that received the most votes.
• With the original tally sheet in hand the total number of votes cast is compared to the signed up sheet or electoral notebook. Finally, for those machines chosen for the audit (see below) the electoral ballots, or paper trails, are counted one by one to determine if they add up to the totals in the tally sheet. Any anomaly is mentioned in the tally sheet report, signed by the staff and auditors, and then sealed and given to the military for delivery to the CNE.

Source CNE^[76]

[edit] Random paper ballot audit

Once the tally scrutinization is complete the staff proceeds to perform a random paper ballot audit of 54.31% of the machines. Each voting center can have anywhere from one to twelve voting machines, occasionally up to fifteen. The staff randomly selects the tables/machines by drawing a number out of a paper hat. The size of the draw is dependent on the number of tables/machines.

Number of Machines	Number of Machines to be Audited	Total Machines audited
1 to 2	1	5,795
3 to 5	2	6,002
6 to 8	3	4,011
9 to 10	4	980
More than 10	5	770

Source CNE^[76]

Audited Total	Machine Universe	Percentage audited
17,558	32,331	54.31%

Source CNE^[76]

The following procedure occurs step by step

• Polls closed
• Tally scrutinization finishes
• Random paper ballot audit announced
• The machines are randomly selected drawing numbers out of a paper hat
• The machine's serial number is recorded
• The corresponding paper ballot box is selected and opened
• The paper ballots results for each candidate are openly counted
• With the original tally printed from the electronic results, both results are audited
• Any anomaly (even if by one vote) is recorded in the audit report
• The original audit report is signed by staff and observers, officially sealed and handed to the military for delivery to the CNE
• Copies are handed over to the representatives of the two highest vote getters.

Source CNE^[76]

[edit] Concerns over the Electoral Registry

Opposition candidates and political parties have voiced concerns over the possible inaccuracies of the national electoral registry. Previous elections have shown that there might be a great number of deceased people still on the records. The CNE has audited the Registry on multiple occasions; the first occurred in early 2006 by IIDH-CAPEL (Costa Rican Human Right org) that concluded there was nothing found that delegitimized the registry.^[77] A second review process started in mid-2006 where the CNE asked all the public universities of Venezuela to conduct also an external review of the electoral registry. However, the review project presented by the Central University of Venezuela, Simón Bolívar University and the Andrés Bello Catholic University was rejected by the CNE. One of the proposed methods by these institutions was comparing census data with the electoral registry.^[78] They nevertheless ran their audit in parallel and the representative of the three institutions José Miguel Bernardo concluded "In practice [these errors] do not favor the government and their distribution is uniform."^[79] A second mathematician involved in the audit, Raúl Jiménez, concluded "One must be responsible. The electoral registry is a disaster and the CNE has done nothing to improve it, but there is nothing to indicate a political intention in the anomalies."^[79]

The CNE performed the third audit with the aid of seven other public universities and with the Carter Center and two senators from the Belgian parliament observing the audit.^[79] The senators were Jacinta de Roeck, independent, and Sfia Bouarfa, from the French-speaking Socialist Party.^[80]

In June 2006, a privately funded preliminary study by Genaro Mosquera, a statistics professor at the Central University and member of the political party Democratic Action,^[81] claimed that in the last three years the registry grew 27% compare to a population growth of only 7.3% during those years and also a much larger growth than the regular increasse of the registry of 12% every five years between 1948 and 2000. On of the flagship government Bolivarian Missions was Mission Identidad, where roughly 5 million citizens were awarded an ID card and the right to register and vote. ^[82] Also, by comparing the official population numbers provided with by the Office of National Statistics with the CNE registry, there seems to be more register voters of 45 years of age and over than actual population.^[78]

According to NGO Ojo Electoral (Electoral Eye) preliminary results of a comparison between the Electoral Registry and demographic projections of the National Institute of Statistics (INE) suggests that inconsistencies in the voter data base cannot modify the results of the election.^[83]

[edit] Other concerns

The opposition is denouncing unfair pressure by the government against those governmental workers who might not want to support the president. They released a video that showed energy minister and head of PDVSA, Rafael Ramírez, telling state oil workers to back President Hugo Chávez or to leave their jobs. He also said PDVSA is red "from top to bottom"(PDVSA es roja, rojita de arriba abajo). He also said that PDVSA's "workers are with this revolution, and those who aren't should go somewhere else. Go to Miami". Opposition media outlets have been repeating the 14-minute video over and over again. President Chávez said he supported the PDVSA director and recommended him to make the same speech to oil workers 100 times a day.^[84] The CNE opened an investigation into Rafael Ramírez following the protests from the opposition^[85] and Ramírez was eventually fined.^[86]

[edit] Claim of inconsistencies in the results

A study conducted by Ezequiel Zamora (former vicepresident of the CNE), Freddy Malpica (former rector of the Universidad Simón Bolívar), Guillermo Salas (USB professor), Jorge Tamayo (UCV professor), Ramiro Esparragoza (UCV professor), four statistics experts and three computer engineers concluded in January of 2007 that the 2006 Presidential elections presented "important statistical inconsistencies, despite the fact that the opposition candidate recognized the results". They argued that the elections results of many electoral centers showed a very regular statistical distribution of the votes in favor of Rosales in comparison with the dispersion of the votes for Chávez. This suggest that the regularities are the possible result of numerical ceilings embedded in the voting machines. Also there seems to be a regular statistical abstention of 25% in most electoral centers and no signs of dispersion. They have recommended further studies of the data in order to understand the deficiencies of the Venezuelan electoral system and in order to have a "minimum of transparency" in any future electoral process.^[87]

[edit] Notes

[edit] See also

• Venezuelan Election 2006 - Election news from Angus Reid Global Monitor
• National Electoral Council (CNE)

v • d • e Hugo Chávez Biography Early life · Military career · Presidency Political events Coup attempt of 1992 · Coup attempt of 2002 · Recall referendum of 2004 · Putative coup attempt of 2004 Elections Presidential election of 1998 · Presidential election of 2000 · Presidential election of 2006 Governance Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas · Bolivarian Circles · Bolivarian Revolution · Bolivarianism · Cabinet · Chavismo ·  · Constitution · Foreign policy Bolivarian Missions Barrio Adentro · Guaicaipuro · Hábitat · Identidad · Mercal · Miranda · Piar · Plan Bolivar 2000 · Ribas · Robinson · Sucre · Vuelta al Campo · Vuelvan Caras · Zamora Reactions Criticism · Media representation · ¿¡Revolución!? · The Revolution Will Not Be Televised · Súmate

[edit] External links

• (Spanish) Chávez campaign website
• (Spanish) Rosales campaign website
• (Spanish) Rausseo campaign website
• (Spanish) Caldera Infante campaign website
• (Spanish) Vera election manifesto

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